• The disillusioned prophet One of his last interviews, printed in India Today August 15 1977
• Field Work More Important Letter to members of the national executive of the CSP, August 29, 1951
• Stock Taking Press statement on Independence Day, 1948
• The Revolution of 1942 The Searchlight, April 22, 1946
• First Things First Congress Socialist, Vol. I, No 52, December 26, 1936
• Why Socialism

The Revolution of 1942

The Searchlight, April 22, 1946
I consider myself an ordinary soldier of the Congress in the cause of the country’s freedom. The revolution of 1942 was the greatest after that of 1857 and would compare well with similar upheavals in other countries. However, mistaken we might have been in the eyes of Gandhiji and the Congress High command, the people approve of what we did. I took some part in the revolution but it was not much. I pay my homage to those who bravely laid down their lives at the altar of the country’s freedom and all those who suffered untold miseries for the same noble cause and those who participated in it, particularly the students who were in the vanguard.

It is remarkable that every stratum in the society took some part in this revolution. One incidence which happened in this province was unique. Seven hundred police constables at Jumeshedpur revolted and refused to raise their hands against their own people at the behest of their alien masters or their paid Indian agents. Around 10,000 to 15,000 British and Indian troops had to be sent to suppress this rebellion. It was only to placate the police force that only 35 of these were arrested. I recall this incident because I hope that when time comes again for the action the police force will draw inspiration from the heroic gesture of the 700 Jamshedpur rebels and act accordingly.

I consider it my duty to express my thoughts, though, I am afraid, many of our leaders will not relish it. I was really pained to hear that many of our leaders, when released from jail, hastened to publicly criticize what they considered to be mistake committed during the 1942 revolution. I have every respect for their advice, but they also committed great mistake. The situation which obtained in those historic days of August 1942 and the opportunity which thus offered itself then rarely come in the life of a country and people. The blunder that our leaders committed was that while raining the standard of revolt they did not prepare the country for the fight. They called upon us to “do or die” but they did not tell us what to do.

Except Jawaharlal Nehru who has admitted this mistake, others have failed to do so. Many arguments are put forward, one of which is that the Working Committee had delegated all powers to Gandhiji and it was upon him to put forth a programme and plan of action. But this argument does not hold water. They should have known the consequences of challenging the might of the British government and should have made preparations for the contingency. The great upheaval which resulted cost lives of about 40,000 of our countrymen - men, women and children – and many more had to undergo other kinds of misery while thousands were widowed and rendered orphan. The responsibility for all this falls on those who did not prepare the people for struggle while declaring war on the masters of the land.

In certain parts of the country, especially in the western province, there is a move to brand as traitors those who fought during the 1942 revolution and did not conform to Gandhiji’s ideal of nonviolence. I believe in ahimsa as much as Maulana Azad does and the latter believes in violence as much as I do. I bow my head before Gandhiji’s ideal of ahimsa. I would act according to it if I possessed the moral strength which makes a true and a brave satyagrahi. I find it difficult to act upon a brave man’s non-violence. I find it easier to fight with a gun. Twice during the last war the Congress Working Committee discarded Gandhiji’s ideal of nonviolence and his leadership. On August 8, 1942, at the AICC session in Bombay Maulana Azad had declared that if there was national government the Indians would fight against the Japanese. Is violence nonviolence if it is directed against the Japanese? If we could fight the Japanese why should we not fight against the British? The fact is that ahimsa is being exploited for power politics inside Congress.

The party which I represent believes that so long as full freedom is not achieved unity in congress much be maintained. Whatever treatment we are accorded and howsoever we are misrepresented and misunderstood we shall work for unity in Congress till we have reached out goal of full freedom. Although we passed the “Quit India” resection in august 1942 the British have not left the country. Out leaders say that swaraj is coming within short time. I wonder that swaraj would be like,

Independence is not gained by negotiations. But what is today going on in Delhi is not just another round table conference. The cabinet ministers of Britain have come here to negotiate with Indian leaders. This is a direct consequence of out fight for freedom inside the country and the brave efforts of the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) under the leadership of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. The greatest achievement of the INA has been that it has shaken to the very foundation those strong pillars on which rests the power of the British in the country. It is due to their inspiration that the India personnel in the fighting forces are today imbued with the spirit of nationalism and independence of the country. It is due to our fight inside and outside India coupled with the present international situation which have compelled the British to negotiate with us.

But through negotiations we cannot get full freedom, because our strength is divided. We are likely to get only partial freedom this way. Some argue that this partial freedom can, through constitutional methods, be extended in course of time to complete freedom as de Valera has done in Ireland. It is true that he has been successful to a very great extent in widening the scope of his country’s freedom constitutionally. I would however, consider Ireland fully free only when her northern provinces, the Ulster, are joined her.

In case we get only partial freedom, we may have to fight to gain full independence if the British refuse to allow us to proceed constitutionally to achieve that end. And if the present talks fail, then we can reach our goal only through another revolution. In any case we have to prepare ourselves for action.

Nehru says that after the 1942 movement a new life is pulsating in the country. I also feel that the revolution of 1942 has brought about a great change and that there is no lack of enthusiasm in the people, and that they are ready to lay down their lives in the fight for freedom. But this in itself is not enough. The question is how to channelize this force and organise the people- the students, the kisans, the workers and the others – for the coming fight. We are still in a rut. Meetings, conferences, processions and demonstrations are only meant for propaganda which is not the need of the hour. The message of freedom has already reached the people and they are ready for action. Their energy should be conserved and they should be given a plan of action.

I have great complaints against the Congress leaders. From the time the Congress was declared a legal body it has been busy with elections only. And now the attention of the people is directed towards Delhi looking forward to a peaceful transfer of power to the Indians. I think this has been a very injurious policy and harmful to our cause. This is the time when, instead of looking for easy gains we should strengthen our organisation so that we are not caught unawares. If and when the negotiations finally fail it would be too late. The fact that the Congress ministries have been installed should not make us complacent. These can be unmade by those who have made them if it suits their purpose. If the talks fail the British would not allow us time to prepare. They would very likely maneuver a crisis and try and render is incapable of doing them any harm. That is what happened on 1931. While Gandhiji was having talks with the viceroy and while the Round table was going on in London they precipitated a crisis in the Frontier and the UP and when Gandhiji landed in Bombay he found that the Frontier Gandhi and Nehru were already in Jail and the machinery of repression was already on the move. He tried to gain time by writing to Lord Willingdon for an interview but the latter refused even to receive him.

Today also we are in similar situation. While we are making optimistic speculations about the outcome of the present negotiations and sitting idle, the British are getting ready to nip in the bud any attempt on our part to rise in revolt. WE have therefore to prepare for the eventuality of another movement and it is time the Congress organisation is geared up for action.